By S. Holt
As certainly one of South Asia’s oldest democracies Sri Lanka is a severe case to ascertain the bounds of a liberal peace, peacebuilding and exterior engagement within the cost of civil wars. This booklet is based on 9 years of analysis, and greater than a hundred interviews with these plagued by the conflict, NGOs, and native and overseas elites engaged within the peace process. A serious overview of peacebuilding and the impression of financial restoration programmes at the peace approach in Sri LankaTimely research – coming one and a part years after the conflict resulted in Sri Lanka.Based on over 9 years of targeted study and over a hundred interviewsA serious review of the liberal peace thesisAddresses hole within the literature on peacebuilding - assessing the impression of peacebuilding-type programmes at the floor and hard the frequent assumption that those actions hyperlink to peace.Includes a first-hand account of the placement in Sri Lanka throughout the ceasefire within the war-affected district of demeanour
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Extra info for Aid, Peacebuilding and the Resurgence of War: Buying Time in Sri Lanka (Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies)
When should it start? How much does it cost? Can it work? What is the evidence? Hopefully some of the questions will be answered over time as more peacebuilding programmes mature and some observable results ensue. This book will serve to answer some of these questions in the case of 36 Aid, Peacebuilding and the Resurgence of War Sri Lanka. Whatever peacebuilding is in theory, the practice of peacebuilding is another part of the conundrum. Peacebuilding since World War II Since World War II external actors, in the form of nation states, particularly the US, as well as the UN, the IFIs and NGOs, have responded in an assortment of ways to the challenging environments created by wars and disaster.
61 A democratically elected government can use its popular mandate to treat any challenges to its authority by activists, opposition or minorities as threats to the national integrity. In the absence of the rule of law or respect for human rights, the sovereign state has the authority to use force with none of the checks and balances that would prevent oppression, suppression and possible violent civil unrest. Democracy is only one way of deciding who will govern; on its own it cannot deliver peace.
With a return to the ‘War for Peace’ policy of the late 1990s, the ceasefire, reconstruction of the North and East and the involvement of the international community did not contribute to any intended peacebuilding. The final chapter, Chapter 6 begins by reflecting on the nature of Sri Lankan peacebuilding, the impact of the incorporation of economic recovery strategies on the survival of peace processes, why this approach did not deal with typical problems of disillusionment and exclusion; the inability of the peace process to address the underlying causes of the conflict, the role of stakeholders, and why the prioritisation of Introduction: Peacebuilding and War 17 development strategies did not lead to a negotiated settlement.
Aid, Peacebuilding and the Resurgence of War: Buying Time in Sri Lanka (Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies) by S. Holt