By Kathleen Gleeson
Too usually, present literature has conflated the discourses that enabled the 'War on Terror', ignoring the contextual specificities of the states that make up the 'Coalition of the Willing'. Australia's 'war on terror' Discourse fills this hole through delivering a whole and sustained serious research of Australian overseas coverage discourse besides the theoretical synthesis for a selected version of serious discourse research of the subject.The language of then major Minister Howard is the first concentration of the ebook yet cognizance is usually paid to the language of key ministers, political rivals and different sought after actors. The voices of these who challenged the dominant discourse also are thought of to make clear the ways that discourses will be destabilised. Kathleen Gleeson exhibits how Howard effectively invoked narratives of id and sovereignty that resonated together with his viewers and promoted his transformed narrative of Australia when dealing with dissent from many actors who voiced their competition so much effectively after they capitalised on inconsistencies in the discourse.
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Extra info for Australia's 'War on Terror' Discourse
As Phillips and Jorgensen (2002) point out, discourse analysis is insufficient on its own to explore this dimension, and so it is at this point that Foucault’s social and discourse theory will be particularly useful. Specifically, this means exploring the role played by power/knowledge in reifying or disturbing the discourse in question. Questions are posed which go to the heart of the critical aspect of the research project: how is power maintained? How hegemonic is the discourse? Is there evidence of periods of discursive vulnerability or instability?
J. (2007) Confronting the New Conservatism: the Rise of the Right in America; Heilbrunn, J. (2009) They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons. 12 For a more detailed account of the individuals in positions of power in the Bush Administration who subscribe to neoconservatism, see George (2005, 42). Max Boot (2004) contradicts the position of George, arguing that there is ‘not a neocon among (the Bush Administration’s) top tier’, a contention not supported in the majority of the literature.
As Wolfowitz explains: ‘moral vision (and) a willingness and ability to take a hard-headed and clear-eyed view of the world’ are the hallmarks of a strong, Straussian, neoconservative statesman (cited in Kirkby, 2007, 44). If this is the case then Bush et al. fit the criteria of a neoconservative administration. Moral distinctions and value judgments were common place in the war on terror, obviously as a product of the ideological assumptions of the political elite responsible, but also in order to garner support and legitimise the choices made by the architects of the response to 9/11, and simultaneously delegitimise those who proposed alternative approaches.
Australia's 'War on Terror' Discourse by Kathleen Gleeson