New PDF release: Case Absorption and WH-Agreement

By A. Watanabe

ISBN-10: 9048147441

ISBN-13: 9789048147441

ISBN-10: 9401586152

ISBN-13: 9789401586153

This booklet is an generally revised model of the middle a part of my 1993 MIT doctoral dissertation, which seeks to supply a Minimalist thought of Case absorption and aid it via empirical research. The relevant notion pursued is that impoverishment of word constitution is chargeable for Case absorption and that the ideal conception of Case checking should still derive this estate. even though the fundamental line of study on Case absorption and wh-agreement continues to be an analogous, this ebook contains a lot of latest effects. A principied concept of Case checking and Case absorption has been labored out in bankruptcy 1. remedy of participial structures in bankruptcy three and wh­ contract in bankruptcy four is way extra systematic and entire. bankruptcy 2 is usually streamlined, including refinements of the research of Romanian. The product, i'm hoping, is a extra convincing def ense of the power of the Mi ni mal ist method. i need to thank my thesis committee contributors Ken Haie, Noam Chomsky, and Howard Lasnik, lower than whose information this venture started.

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Extra resources for Case Absorption and WH-Agreement

Example text

Terzi (1992) claims that the postverbal position of the embedded Nominative subject in subjunctive is due to V-to-I-to-C raising in the absence of the overt complementizer. 26 To support this analysis, Terzi notes that when the overt complementizer is absent, the subject must follow the subjunctive particle and the verb. 33) a. Ion vrea [Maria sa manince] John wants Mary Sbj-prt eat-3 TNS -> AGR-S -> COMP 43 b. 33a) is due to failure of V-to-I-to-C raising. 34). 34) a. i refl-have-3sg happened doctors-the Sbj-prt be-3 all deacord] of agreement b.

14b,c) is interpreted as simultaneous with the matrix verb. 14) a. John convinced his friends [PRO to leave] b. Bill considers [hirnself to be the smartest] c. John appears [I to like poker] Stowell (1982) argues that this difference in temporal interpretation is derived from lack of independent tense in the cases of ECM and raising TNS -> AGR-S -> CaMP 31 in contrast to control complements, and he further links it to the absence of Comp in the cases of ECM and raising by locating tense in Comp.

24a). 5 of the next chapter, the copular verb cannot appear in a structure which lacks Tns. The ECM/raising compiements therefore cannot be Agr-oP. The onIy remaining possibility then is Agr-sP, which we assume. 1, the structural difference between ECM/raising complements and control compiements is ampIy supported by evidence from Romance and Scandinavian Ianguages. The crucial data in Romance is repeated here. 8) a. Jean semble/parait (*d') @tre parti. (French) Jean seems/appears CO be Ieft b.

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Case Absorption and WH-Agreement by A. Watanabe


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