By Christoph Zurcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner
Costly Democracy makes the case that the personal tastes of household elites are drastically formed via the prices they incur in adopting democracy, in addition to the leverage that peacebuilders wield to extend the prices of non-adoption. As situations from Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Timor, Rwanda, Namibia, Mozambique, and Tajikistan convey, family elites in postwar societies may well hope the resources—both fabric and symbolic—that peacebuilders can deliver, yet they're much less wanting to undertake democracy simply because they suspect democratic reforms may perhaps endanger a few or all in their great pursuits. Costly Democracy bargains comparative analyses of contemporary situations of peacebuilding to deepen figuring out of postwar democratization and higher clarify why peacebuilding missions usually convey peace, yet seldom democracy, to war-torn countries.
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Extra info for Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization After War
9 This is because democratization opens up the “political space in the area of political competition (elections), and freedom of expression (media), as well as reforms of the security sector that are crucial to democratization. ”10 It is also true that, once a regime has survived this transition and enjoys a consolidated democracy, prospects for future violence are reduced. 12 Because poverty is a defining characteristic of most postwar countries, it is not surprising that their leaders associate democratization with security risks.
As in any bargaining process, the outcome is determined by what the parties want and the resources and determination they can mobilize to achieve their goals. Peacebuilders, for their part, want to implement reforms that lead to a liberal peace: They want to deliver services and assistance that will create new institutions that (re)distribute political and economic power in a transparent, accountable, and democratic way. 4 Most importantly, peacebuilders need to minimize casualties; otherwise their governments will lose the support of the electorate.
Next, we inquired about the scope and characteristics of the external intervention, focusing on both military and nonmilitary aspects. We also asked whether and how diplomacy, normative pressure, and/or persuasion contributed to the democratization process. Another set of questions explored the interaction between domestic elites and the interveners, their respective preferences, and constraints. These questions let us reconstruct the strategic interaction and bargaining process, which we assume contributed to the outcome.
Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization After War by Christoph Zurcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner