By Winfried Lechner
The current monograph represents a theoretical exploration within the domain names of ellipsis, coordination and the syntax and semantics of comparability, which even as deals an in depth empirical research forcussing on a number of facets of the comparative development. it's argued that development particular ellipsis tactics quite often assumed to be energetic in comparatives (Comparative Deletion and Comparative Ellipsis) will be subsumed below teams of operations which are independently required within the grammar: stream and the ellipsis procedures of Conjunction relief (including Gapping, correct Node elevating and Across-the-Board Extraction). The ensuing account additionally makes it attainable to examine an empirically sufficient ellipsis research of so-called Phrasal Comparatives.
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Extra resources for Ellipsis in Comparatives
This difference between ordinary movement and AP-Raising does not have to be stipulated, though, but can be made to fall out from conditions on interpretability. More specifically, in regular argument chains, failure to delete all but a single copy results in uninterpretable LF representations which contain spurious arguments, in violation of Full Interpretation (see also Bach and Horn 1976):31 The syntax of NP-comparatives (92) a. b. 43 Syntax: What did you see? LF: *[Copy-1 what] did you see [Copy-2 what] The situation is significantly different with AP-Raising, though, in that the interface conditions to semantics dictate that none of the AP-copies in (90) may be subjected to deletion.
18 In principle, there are two ways to reconcile the DegP-hypothesis with the actually attested serialization. On the one hand, one might postulate an obligatory extraposition operation which shifts the than-XP in (49) to the right periphery of the DP (Bresnan 1973). As it turns out, though, this step leads to empirically unwarranted results. On the other hand - and this is the line I would eventually like to pursue - it is possible to interpret the conflict manifest in (49) as an argument against the NP-adjunction analysis of prenominal modification.
Moreover, both DegPs are contained in a uniformly right-branching tree. Thus, the phrasal architecture for NP-comparatives endorsed so far supports an implementation of the head-raising algorithm in that it supplies the structural configuration for the creation of a movement chain between the higher and lower occurrence of the AP. I would therefore like to suggest to analyze Comparative Deletion in accordance with the AP-Raising Hypothesis stated below: (89) THE AP-RAISING HYPOTHESIS: Comparative Deletion consists in overt raising of AP from SpecDegP of the comparative complement to SpecDegP of the matrix clause.
Ellipsis in Comparatives by Winfried Lechner