By Jean Ann
Ann employs an easy technique in her exam of using Taiwan signal Language (TSL) handshapes in 5 succinct chapters. within the first bankruptcy, she discusses the 2 techniques linguists have taken towards realizing languages, and the way those theories have stimulated signal language researchers’ attention of the benefit of articulation and frequency of handshapes. In her moment bankruptcy, Ann delineates the body structure of palms and explains why certain digits movement with higher dexterity than others.
Ann applies this physiological details within the 3rd bankruptcy to build a version for determining the ease of articulation of any logically attainable handshape. She divides the handshapes into 3 different types, starting from most unlikely to effortless. within the fourth bankruptcy, she applies her version to ascertain the styles of TSL, first via describing the fifty six handshapes pointed out in TSL, then settling on how frequently each one is used. She then compares the utilization facts to the handshapes’ ease of formation. the ultimate bankruptcy summarizes her findings and indicates implications of this paintings which are absolute to generate additional hypothesis and examine on signal language handshapes within the future.
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Extra info for Frequency of Occurrence and Ease of Articulation of Sign Language Handshapes: The Taiwanese Example
11 This partitioning makes good physiological sense; as physiological evidence for the nodes, Corina and Sagey (1988, 1989) claim that two different motor efferents (nerves) control the radial fingers and the ulnar fingers. They do not discuss this point further. Another example of an appeal to the physiology related to feature combinations is the case of [spread]. The feature [spread] controls whether or not the fingers are spread apart or held together with no space in between. Several restrictions on the application of [spread] are relevant.
These might include ch01_8033_JeanAnn_Gallaudet 42 9/5/06 9:57 AM Page 42 Chapter One (a) handshapes that are not attested (do not occur) in ASL but are attested (do occur) in other sign languages, (b) handshapes that are physically possible but not present in any sign language, and (c) handshapes that are physically impossible. So it is not possible to construct a model from Boyes-Braem (1973, 1981, 1990) alone. McIntire (1977) examined acquisition to see what features might explain it. She concluded (but did not show) that, although features proposed by Boyes-Braem are useful in explaining the data, the proposal in Lane, Boyes-Braem, and Bellugi (1976) is more appropriate.
Figures 4a and 4b illustrate the closed and open handshapes. The next least marked number of fingers in the hierarchy is 1. Examples of handshapes in which one finger does something are not provided in Mandel; presumably, they are handshapes such as the one in figure 4c. The next least marked number of fingers in the hierarchy is 2; presumably figure 4d would be an example. The most marked number of fingers in a handshape is 3. Mandel claims three-fingered handshapes occur only in handshapes such as that pictured in figure 4e.
Frequency of Occurrence and Ease of Articulation of Sign Language Handshapes: The Taiwanese Example by Jean Ann