By Byron A. Miller
Context issues, as scholars of social pursuits more and more agree, and but little or no cognizance has been paid to the position geography performs in activism. Geography and Social pursuits corrects this oversight, bringing a geographical point of view to the research of social activities. Byron A. Miller without delay addresses the results of area, position, and scale in social flow mobilization, after which demonstrates their value in a close comparative research of peace events in 3 municipalities round Boston.
In concentrating on the Boston sector -- an previous northeastern zone, seriously industrialized with many businesses engaged on army contracts, and in addition a middle of schooling -- Miller is ready to discover how campaigns aimed toward curtailing nuclear hands function in the cultural, political, social, and monetary confines of specific areas and areas. He exhibits how the selections and activities of neighborhood peace circulation enterprises performed a critical position within the movement's successes and screw ups, and the way neighborhood organisations needed to reply to the differing type, race, and gender features of other locales. Miller's empirical research basically demonstrates that geographic recommendations for social move corporations have direct outcomes for the successes and screw ups of particular campaigns.
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Extra info for Geography and Social Movements: Comparing Antinuclear Activism in the Boston Area
In the following sections, an attempt is made to sketch out some of the geographic research that has direct bearing on the understanding of social movement mobilization. Although much of this research has been conducted by geographers, some very good geographic work has been conducted by nongeographers, and this is incorporated as well. Particular emphasis is placed on the ways in missing geography 19 which attention to space, place, and scale might help to provide more powerful formulations of the main bodies of social movements theory: resource mobilization theory, political process models, and new social movements theory.
Unfortunately, Benford’s otherwise exemplary analysis does not acknowledge that beliefs—as well as values and collective identity— vary across space and are geographically constituted. Explicit attention to the geographical dimensions of core RMT issues may prove helpful. In their geographical critique of the rational actor model, Barnes and Sheppard (1992) argue that rational choice theory, on which RMT relies, errs in assuming a single, essential motive for human action, thereby eliminating other inﬂuences by assumption.
Nonetheless, geographic variations in political opportunity receive no systematic treatment. Tarrow (1988), on the other hand, provides a detailed analysis of a cycle of religious protest that seeks to explain, missing geography 27 through example, why “social movements appear only in some sites and not in others” (283). Tarrow’s analysis includes a nuanced account of differing resources, conﬂicts, and political opportunities within the city and region of Florence, the Isolotto neighborhood of Florence, as well as the Florentine church.
Geography and Social Movements: Comparing Antinuclear Activism in the Boston Area by Byron A. Miller