By Andrew Wareham
East Anglian warriors, priests and peasants toiled, fought and prayed through the 10th and 11th centuries on the way to identify the medieval panorama of East Anglia built round nice royal abbeys, castles and manor homes. This publication discusses the contexts which ended in the production of the medieval outfitted atmosphere from a neighborhood and comparative point of view, following throughout the lives and projects of English, Scandinavian, Norman and Breton lords and their households. It analyses subject matters reminiscent of alliance and unification suggestions, social mobility, ethnicity, the formation of lineages, and attracts upon the disciplines of anthropology, economics and prosopography so as to extra old wisdom. possibly a little bit surprisingly it highlights the variations and similarities among the reviews of those lords and groups with aristocracies and social groupings in areas of Europe formed by means of the feudal transformation. but the publication additionally differs from its French and German opposite numbers via its dialogue of the interconnections among social, political, monetary and cultural methods, and linking such enquiries to topographical research. This monograph thereby builds up a picture of the prior 'from the ground' and attracts upon missed resources, similar to commemorative files. it will likely be of curiosity not just to execs and scholars who debate the making of the medieval international, but additionally to these readers who need to know extra approximately East Anglia's nice royal abbeys, church buildings, manor homes and castles.
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Extra info for Lords and Communities in Early Medieval East Anglia
4, 8, 9); and three grants of bookland (nos. 1, 2, 3). The geographical location and the position in the text of Hilgay, Walsoken and Wellen (nos. 5, 6, 7) mentioned in Ealdorman Æthelwine’s bequests suggest that they comprised part of Wulfgifu’s inheritance from her parents. They lay in north-west Norfolk within thirty kilometres of Brancaster, donated by Wulfgifu to Ramsey Abbey, and in the text are immediately followed by Sawtry (no. 4), connected to Æthelflæd. Chron. , ii, c. 28/xxiv, p.
13 (part of ten hides); no. 15 (six hides); no. 17 (thirty hides); and in Domesday Book no. 4 (seven and half hides); no. 5 (two and half hides); no. 8 (four and a half hides); no. 16 (eighty acres). He withdrew his claim after Ealdorman Æthelwine threatened him, but the case did not end there. The circumstances of the donation look like an amiticia agreement forged between former enemies, but one in which Æthelwine’s superiority was acknowledged by the descent of the property to his favoured abbey.
G. another Æthelgifu donated eighteen hides in Cambridgeshire to Ramsey c. 965x92; see Chron. , ii, c. 26, p. 51, with the date being suggested by the location of her donations between the gifts of Oswald and Ealdorman Æthelwine. ). The estate would have been greatly valued by a high status noblewoman as well as by a monastic community. The three marriages of Ealdorman Æthelwine did not establish links with families who can be shown to have had significant territorial interests in the political heartlands of the English kingdom, in the manner of the marriages of his father and elder brothers.
Lords and Communities in Early Medieval East Anglia by Andrew Wareham