By Philip Hammond
Media, battle and Postmodernity
investigates how clash and overseas intervention have replaced because the finish of the chilly warfare, asking why Western army operations at the moment are performed as high-tech media spectacles, it appears extra very important for his or her propaganda price than for any strategic aims.
Discussing the humanitarian interventions of the Nineties and the warfare on Terror, the publication analyzes the increase of a postmodern sensibility in household and foreign politics, and explores how the projection of strength out of the country is undermined through a scarcity of unity and goal at domestic. Drawing jointly debates from quite a few disciplinary and theoretical views, Philip Hammond argues that modern war can be understood as 'postmodern' in that it really is pushed via the cave in of grand narratives in Western societies and constitutes an try and recapture a feeling of objective and that means.
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Extra resources for Media, War and Postmodernity
Her project seems to take Baudrillard’s (1995: 84) dystopian description of the Americans at the time of the Gulf War as ‘missionary people bearing electro-shocks which will shepherd everybody towards democracy’ as a positive model: This consensual violence … operates today on a global level which is conceived as an immense democracy governed by a homogeneous order 26 Postmodern war in a world without meaning which has as its emblem the UN and the Rights of Man. The Gulf War is the ﬁrst consensual war, the ﬁrst war conducted legally and globally with a view to putting an end to war and liquidating any confrontation likely to threaten the henceforward uniﬁed system of control.
Yet Cooper’s claims demand to be taken more seriously, particularly since his argument about the limits of sovereignty is widely shared today. Cooper may be right to consider the EU ‘postmodern’, though not in quite the positive way he suggests. There are two aspects of Cooper’s argument which are of interest here. First, in so far as it is an argument speciﬁcally about the EU, it is worth asking whether Europe can work as a source of meaning. As Stefan Elbe (2003: 66) notes, during the 1990s there was a ‘proliferation of pessimistic accounts of Postmodern war in a world without meaning 27 contemporary European culture which lament[ed] the inability to produce a meaningful idea of Europe’.
This idea is also at the centre of Mary Kaldor’s analysis of ‘new wars’, to which we turn next. ‘New wars’ Kaldor prefers the term ‘new wars’ to ‘postmodern war’, partly because the latter ‘is also used to refer to virtual wars and wars in cyberspace’. Similarly, she distinguishes her argument from the discussion of the ‘Revolution in Military Affairs’, which essentially concerns technological changes, arguing that what is at stake is ‘a revolution in the social relations of warfare, not in technology’ (Kaldor 1999: 2–3).
Media, War and Postmodernity by Philip Hammond