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By Arthur Stepanov, Gisbert Fanselow, Ralf Vogel

The amount is a suite of 12 papers which specialise in empirical and theoretical matters linked to syntactic phenomena falling below the rubric of Relativized Minimality (Rizzi 1990) or, in additional fresh phrases, minimum hyperlink situation (MLC, Chomsky 1995). the majority of the papers are in accordance with the information awarded on the Workshop "Minimal hyperlink results in Minimalist and Optimality Theoretic Syntax" which came about on the college of Potsdam on March 21-22, 2002. All individuals are favourite experts within the subject of syntactic Minimality. The empirical phenomena delivered to undergo on Minimality/MLC within the current quantity contain, yet now not restricted to: Superiority results in a number of wh-questions, together with people with 'D-linked' wh-phrase(s) (Muller, Haida, Haider) Stylistic Fronting in Germanic and Romance (Fisher, Poole) Transitive sentences in Hindi-type ergative languages (Stepanov), be aware order 'freezing' results in double-nominative structures in Korean (Lee) Double item buildings in Greek (Anagnostoupoulou) Remnant constituent displacement in German and jap (Hale and Legendre) 9 of the proposed money owed are couched within the Minimalist framework (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001), 3 within the framework of Optimality conception (Prince and Smolensky 1993). Thematically, the contributions divide into 3 teams addressing the next significant questions: How can obvious violations of syntactic Minimality/MLC be accounted for? (Haida, Stepanov, Poole, Fisher, Anagnostopoulou) what's the prestige of MLC? Is it a primitive or a theorem within the grammar? (Muller, Fanselow, Lechner, Vogel, Lee, Haider) Can Minimality phenomena shed decisive facts in want of a derivational (Minimalist variety) or a representational (Optimality concept like) framework? (Hale and Legendre, Haider)

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I conclude that Bulgarian wh-questions exhibit a subject gap restriction, similar to the subject gap restriction on Icelandic stylistic fronting. In fact, under the current analysis of stylistic fronting, the parallel is complete. In both Bulgarian wh-questions and Icelandic stylistic fronting constructions a PF merger in stylistic fronting and object shift 43 null head has to be adjacent to a finite verbal element located in a lower head position. I propose to account for the subject gap restriction on Bulgarian wh-questions in the same way as the subject gap restriction on the Icelandic stylistic fronting construction.

12. Fox argues that the control sentences are deviant because of WCO under the assumption that QR involves A’movement. The raising sentences, on the other hand, are acceptable. This is explained if we assume that QR is not necessary to get scope for the universal quantifier (because then we would expect a WCO effect to obtain). In turn, this suggests that the well-formed raising examples involve Scope Reconstruction. 13. Another possibility is to suggest that expletive constructions are instances of Agree (Chomsky 1998) and do not involve feature movement to a higher position.

B. Sett har han mej kanske (men han vet inte vad jag heter). ’ As Holmberg shows, this type of construction invalidates Chomsky’s (1993) equidistance account of the dependency of object shift on V-movement (see also Bobaljik and Jonas 1996). Under Chomsky’s account, in order for the object to be able to skip the subject in SpecVP, and for the subject to be able to skip the shifted object when moving to SpecTP, it is necessary for the main verb to move not only to Agro but also to T. This clearly cannot take place in (21).

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Minimality Effects in Syntax by Arthur Stepanov, Gisbert Fanselow, Ralf Vogel


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