By Ida Toivonen, Diane Nelson
The papers during this quantity describe and examine an array of fascinating linguistic phenomena as they take place within the Saami languages, starting from etymological nativization of loanwords to the formation of deadjectival and denominal verbs. Saami screens a couple of features which are strange from a cross-linguistic point of view, together with partial contract on verbs, a three-way volume contrast in consonants and impressive consonant gradation. The 8 papers provided right here technique those and different concerns from various theoretical views in morphology, phonology, and syntax. the amount comprises an in depth examine bibliography that allows you to be worthy for somebody drawn to Saami linguistics.
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Extra resources for Saami Linguistics
Of these, i-stems can be taken into consideration next. This group involves mainly loanwords and derivatives where -i- developed through a fusion of the Proto-Uralic stem vowel and a following glide *j, and hence, the Finnish istems do not have a single regular diachronic correspondent in Saami. Therefore, it is interesting to note that loanwords quite systematically display the substitution F -i > SaaN -a, as in SaaN báhppa ‘priest’ < F pappi id. (for more examples see Appendix B). This substitution pattern can have no straightforward phonetic or etymological motivation.
In the nominative singular of nouns there is a crosswise pattern where F -i corresponds to SaaN -a, whereas F -a corresponds to SaaN -i. One 38 ANTE AIKIO would expect the mimicry of this type of correspondence to be less common because it so directly contradicts the principle of phonetic nearness. But curiously, examples of phonetically unmarked substitutions of the type F i > SaaN i and F a > SaaN a are practically nonexistent, young borrowings included. 3). Notably, even this word shows the expected *¯e-stem in eastern Saami, cf.
3 According to Sammallahti (1988) *ï and *a have merged also in Mari. However, the evidence is ambiguous: Proto-Uralic *ï seems to have developed into Mari ö or ü under unclear conditions, whereas PU *a is always reflected either as a or o. 1 The treatment of i and u. The Finnish stressed high vowels i and u show two patterns of nativization in loanwords. A number of cases display etymological substitution: the regular diachronic correspondents of F i and u — SaaN a and o, respectively — have been substituted for them.
Saami Linguistics by Ida Toivonen, Diane Nelson