By Barbara Citko
Whereas a lot has been written on uneven features of sentence constitution, symmetric facets were principally overlooked, or claimed to be non-existent. Does symmetry in syntax exist, and if it does, how can we account for it? Barbara Citko units out to take on those questions and provides a unified method of a couple of phenomena that experience to this point been studied merely in isolation. concentrating on 3 center minimalist mechanisms: merge, circulate and labeling, she advances a brand new conception of those mechanisms, by way of displaying that below yes well-defined conditions merge can create symmetric buildings, stream can aim both of 2 most likely transportable gadgets, and labels could be developed symmetrically from the positive factors of 2 items. This e-book is geared toward researchers and graduate scholars drawn to minimalist syntax, the constitution of questions, relative clauses, coordination, double item buildings and copular sentences.
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Extra resources for Symmetry in Syntax: Merge, Move and Labels
A potential issue here concerns the compatibility of the LCA with the minimalist Bare Phrase Structure Theory of Chomsky (1994), in which Merge is the sole operation responsible for structure building. Merge creates structures of the kind given in (5a), rather than the “exploded” ones given in (5b), which the original formulation of the LCA relied upon. 20 (5) Asymmetry in syntax a. b. x y YP x x XP z XЈ Y’ X ZP Y x ZЈ y Z z This is not an insurmountable problem. Chomsky (1995) takes the LCA to be compatible with core minimalist assumptions (and highly desirable given the Strong Minimalist Thesis), and suggests various ways to remedy this problem.
C. það finnst/*finnast einverjum stúdent tölvurnar ljótar. ’ (Hiraiwa 2005:51) The cases discussed by Hiraiwa involve a single Probe and multiple Goals, schematized in (17a), which suggests that the opposite should also be possible, and that Agree between two Probes and one Goal (schematized in (17b)) should also be allowed. (17) a. Puϕ>GuCase,ϕ, GuCase,ϕ b. Puϕ, Puϕ>GuCase,ϕ Multiple Goal Agree Multiple Probe Agree Given Multiple Agree, the shared DP in (15a) can have its case features valued by two v heads simultaneously and can value ϕ-features of two v heads simultaneously as well, yielding (18a) below.
Even in the first Merge one element is selected by another one. Merging the subject in [Spec, vP] satisfies the selectional feature of v, and merging it in [Spec, TP] satisfies the EPP feature of T. To sum up briefly, while the different views on Labeling outlined in this section differ in specifics, they all take labels to be asymmetric. The asymmetry lies in the fact that the label is always determined by one of the two merged elements. We also saw in this chapter both theoretical and empirical reasons behind the standard minimalist view that Merge needs to create asymmetric structures (because only such structures are linearizable) and that Move is asymmetric (as evidenced by standard locality considerations).
Symmetry in Syntax: Merge, Move and Labels by Barbara Citko