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Additional resources for Syntactic Phrase Structure Phenomena in Noun Phrases and Sentences

Sample text

This view has not been adopted in (2c), although it has been proposed recent­ ly for the English possessive by Fukui (1986). The examples in (3f-l) de­ monstrate the inadequacy of this stance for German. (3) (f) [meinss Qnkels ] Villa my-POSS uncle-POSS villa (g) meinE Villa (cf. in [*meiner Onkel] Villa) (i) in meinER Villa (j) diE/meinE Villa (k) elegantE Villen (I) [Paul]s elegantE Villa Specifiers, as can be seen in (3a&f), are Xmax categories and overtly Case-marked by DET in German. The possessive pronoun meine in (3g), on the other hand, is not Case-marked by DET but - like other lexical de­ terminers - realizes the functional features of the DET in which it occurs.

This position is reserved to a DP licensed by the presence of a [POSS]-feature in DET. This prenominal DP is restricted semantically as well as morphosyntactically. The reason for this restriction is a language change which is presently taking place. While no semantic restrictions were known on the choice of prenommai GENITIVE (preGEN)2 in Modern High German, nowa­ days one finds almost only proper nouns or nouns similar to proper nouns (eg. ) in prenominal position. g. in English. Here one can observe a language change too.

1. Pronouns are of the category DET, nouns of the category N. This, as Abney stresses, accounts for the identical syntactic distribution of these categories as DPs. However, the categorization of pronouns as intransitive DETs or pro-determiners accounts for their incompatibility with other pre-nominal modifiers, a fact discussed by Abney, Haider (1987) and Vater (1985). Moreover, it is precisely this categoriai differ­ ence between pronouns and nouns which has allowed us to express a significant property of German nominal inflection in a perspicuous manner.

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