By Mark V. Tushnet
The NAACP's struggle opposed to segregated education--the first public curiosity litigation campaign--culminated within the 1954 Brown choice. whereas pertaining to the overall social, political, and economy within which the NAACP acted, Mark V. Tushnet emphasizes the inner workings of the association as published in its personal records. He argues that the commitment and the political and felony talents of employees contributors corresponding to Walter White, Charles Hamilton Houston, and Thurgood Marshall have been answerable for the final word good fortune of public curiosity legislation. This variation includes a new epilogue by means of the writer that addresses basic questions of litigation technique, the power query of even if the Brown selection mattered, and the legacy of Brown in the course of the Burger and Rehnquist courts.
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Extra info for The Naacp's Legal Strategy Against Segregated Education, 1925-1950
The plaintiff would be "a valuable object lesson which shows the whites in the community that there are negroes . "' Discriminatory definitions of qualification and concern for appearances, then, supported the NAACP'sjudgment about the relevant characteristics of litigants whose cases should be brought. Finally, the consequences of litigation for the NAACP'sorganizational effort affected the suits seeking to equalize the salaries of white and black teachers. As with all organizations, the NAACP had to select its activities to advance its interests.
The money would be used to support suits by taxpayers in seven states in the Deep South, seeking to equalize expenditures on black and white schools. "Such taxpayer suits . . " The campaign, White said, would be "mapp[ed] out" at first by "a very able lawyer" who would be hired for at least a year to study the law, supervise the drafting of complaints and briefs, and coordinate the litigation. 33 White's memorandum had the effect of bringing into the open the conflict between the Garland Fund's interest in labor organizing and the NAACP'sfocus that had been submerged at earlier stages.
When the Garland Fund released its final $ ~ o , o o oin 193 3, White immediately proposed Houston, the "ideal person," as special counsel. " To Spingarn, White wrote that Houston's appointment would be "strategically valuable" for the NAACP because it would "tie up to the Association . . " Baldwin was skeptical. "19 White then added Hastie's name, and Baldwin suggested Noel Dowling, Karl Llewellyn, and Nathan Greene, three white lawyers with impeccable academic credentials. White now preferred Hastie.
The Naacp's Legal Strategy Against Segregated Education, 1925-1950 by Mark V. Tushnet