By Françoise Montambeault
Defining democratic luck as a metamorphosis of state-society relationships, the writer is going past the clientelism/democracy dichotomy and divulges that 4 varieties of state-society relationships could be saw in perform: clientelism, disempowering co-option, fragmented inclusion, and democratic cooperation.
Using this typology, and drawing at the comparative case examine of 4 towns in Mexico and Brazil, the booklet demonstrates that the extent of democratic good fortune is healthier defined via an strategy that money owed for institutional layout, structural stipulations of mobilization, and the configurations, techniques, behaviors, and perceptions of either nation and societal actors.
Thus, institutional switch by myself doesn't warrantly democratic luck: the best way those institutional adjustments are enacted through either political and social actors is much more very important because it stipulations the possibility of an independent civil society to emerge and actively interact with the neighborhood country within the social building of an inclusive citizenship.
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Extra info for The Politics of Local Participatory Democracy in Latin America: Institutions, Actors, and Interactions
Such studies look at a wide range of impacts: the institutionalization of civil society, participation in the public sphere, redistributive policy performance, the vitality of associational life, empowerment, or electoral outcomes. Nonetheless, as pointed out by Wampler and McNulty (2011), we still lack a thorough understanding of how these factors affect democracy and the quality of its practices and institutions. One reason for that is that although everyone talks about the conditions explaining the “success” of local participatory democracy, the meaning of success remains undertheorized and there is no consensus on what is entailed in participatory democracy being successful.
As Warren has suggested, governments can “coopt civil society organizations [and individual participants] in such a way that they lose their capacities to represent their constituencies” (Warren 2009, 11). This lack of autonomy strengthens exclusion and weakens accountability mechanisms. Civil society organizations are also unevenly capable of organizing, demanding, and delivering public policy outcomes in cooperation with the local state, favoring already strong organizations (Warren 2009; Nylen 2003).
Under the right institutional and historical circumstances, it is argued, these new channels not only increase the transparency and responsiveness of the redistributive process but can also decrease the need (and possibly the will) to resort to clientelistic forms of political exchange in which resources are unequally allocated to those with privileged and personal access to the state. Among the first observers of PB in Porto Alegre, Rebecca Abers’ account concludes that it 28 how d oe s suc c e s s va ry ?
The Politics of Local Participatory Democracy in Latin America: Institutions, Actors, and Interactions by Françoise Montambeault