By Ilse Depraetere
Within the stressful method in English Relative Clauses, Depraetere applies Declerck's (1991) conception of demanding to the categorical syntactic setting of relative clauses (RCs). In conducting this learn, her goal used to be to confront Declerck's basic conception with corpus info in addition to to stick to up on a few of his particular feedback with reference to ameliorations in demanding use among restrictive (RRCs) and non-restrictive relative clauses (NRRCs).
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Additional info for The Tense System in English Relative Clauses: A Corpus-Based Analysis
They affect (un)boundedness indirectly: if a NP has the effect of turning an atelic proposition into a telic one, and if the telic proposition is used in a non-progressive sentence, the latter will be bounded: (32) a. b. Petrol leaked out of the tank, (unbounded atelic) All the petrol leaked out of the tank, (bounded telic) 26 Definition of the concepts bounded-unbounded and telic-atelic The use of a mass noun in an indefinite NP in (32a) makes the sentence atelic. The following examples also illustrate the effect of the NP: (33) a.
John was here yesterday. (The sentence refers to a subpart of yesterday) I spoke to John at five o'clock. John wrote a letter. e. statements that obey the tests for unboundedness as well as those for boundedness. 4. The sentence in (31b) indicates that adverbials can affect (un)boundedness in that they may impose a right or left boundary on an unbounded situation. This example calls for the additional Factors influencing (un)boundedness and (a)telicity 25 concepts 'bounded to the right/unbounded to the left" and "bounded to the left/unbounded to the right" (cf.
G. Van Voorst 1987: 264, Smith 1991: 56, 157). d. The test is not useful for sentences already containing a durational adverbial: (21) a. b. c. d. John was at home from two till four. For two hours, John was at home from two till four. John was at home from two till four in two hours. For two years, John was at home from two till four. For two years in (2Id) indicates the period during which John was in the habit of being at home from two till four. In other words, (2Id) only allows a habitual reading, whereas (21a) also allows a single event reading.
The Tense System in English Relative Clauses: A Corpus-Based Analysis by Ilse Depraetere