By Werner Abraham, Sjaak de Meij
A few basic questions concerning sentence constitution in linguistics difficulty even if all languages, at a few point of abstraction, have a similar constitution, and what are the elemental different types with which to explain sentence constitution. The members of this quantity are really expert in particularly various languages: Hungarian and German. Of the German papers 3 are often approximately concentration (Abraham, Jacobs, and Stechow-Uhman), while the remainder ones (Haider and Scherpenisse) are mostly approximately V-second. The Hungarian papers are all approximately concentration, of which these of Kálman, Kiefer, Marácz, and De Mey-Marácz are approximately focussing within the stricter experience. Hunyadi, Kenesei and É. Kiss specialise in the pre-verbal quarter regularly and the translation of operators in Hungarian particularly. the remainder papers (Horvath, Komlósy, and Szabolczi) are at the place of the PRE-V, the placement instantly after the finite verb.
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Additional info for Topic, Focus and Configurationality: Papers from the 6th Groningen Grammar Talks, Groningen, 1984
What I want to show is that this unexpected similar ity between Dutch and German is a consequence of (5) (g). The verb-second property is the effect of a principle that crucially interferes with case-assign ment. This argument will be presented in section 4. Let us start out by discussing the difference presented in (5). Like Eng lish, Dutch has neither a morphological declension system for nouns, nor are the determiners marked for case. Only pronouns have different case forms. ) (G) NOM-ACC (c) De hond bij t de man (D) cf.
Forgotten? HAST du DEN schon have you that already (d) Daß er sich entschließt, es DARAUF ankommen That he (REFL) decides i t to that come zu lassen kam dir nicht in den Sinn? to l e t came you not in the mind? " These sentences are instances of the following structure: What appears in the topic-construction is a demonstrative pronoun or phrase as a correlate either in the [aW] position, (32)(a) or if this position is blocked — in (32)(b) by a wh-element, in (32)(c) by the finite verb, since it is inter rogative and hence the adjoined position — it occurs in its basic functional position.
55 CONFIGURATIONALITY IN DISGUISE (32) (a) Die Callas, DIESE SÄNGERIN, BEWUNDERT er seit The Callas, t h i s c a n t a t r i c e , admires he for Jahren years (b) Deine schlaue Lösung, Your smart WO BLEIBT DIE denn s o l u t i o n , where remains t h a t (PART) jetzt? now? (c) Deinen schlauen Einfall, Your smart idea vergessen? forgotten? HAST du DEN schon have you that already (d) Daß er sich entschließt, es DARAUF ankommen That he (REFL) decides i t to that come zu lassen kam dir nicht in den Sinn?
Topic, Focus and Configurationality: Papers from the 6th Groningen Grammar Talks, Groningen, 1984 by Werner Abraham, Sjaak de Meij