By Charles Tilly
Rightly fearing that unscrupulous rulers may holiday them up, grab their assets, or publish them to destructive varieties of intervention, powerful networks of belief resembling kinship teams, clandestine non secular sects, and exchange diasporas have traditionally insulated themselves from political regulate by way of various options. Drawing on an enormous diversity of comparisons over the years and house, Charles Tilly asks and solutions how, and with what outcomes, contributors of belief networks have kept away from, compromised with, or maybe sought connections with political regimes.
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Additional info for Trust and Rule
Scott 1991). We might call this the thin version of the transactional account. Networks convey information and inﬂuence, according to this view, in pretty much the same way regardless of their content. Networks vary in being more centralized or segmented, sparser or denser, but otherwise share a large number of common properties. Chapter 2 states more clearly my paired claims that a) the organization and content of relations within trust networks differentiate them signiﬁcantly from other sorts of interpersonal networks and b) along with authoritative organizations and collaborative institutions, trust networks constitute one of the three main ways that humans organize valued, long-term, high-risk enterprises.
That seizure destroyed the networks, severely hampered their operation, promoted their seeking of protection from other less predatory authorities, or drove them underground. But a few processes have promoted accommodations between trust networks and public politics: signiﬁcant declines in the resources available to trust networks, decay of networks’ crucial internal structures, multiplication of populations outside of existing trust networks, negotiated conquest of previously independent polities run by trust networks, seizure of power by actors organized in trust networks, and creation of effective systems of protection and/or welfare by rulers.
Once in power, rulers have often created their own trust networks in the forms of dynastic marriage alliances and internal patronage systems. 5. At least temporarily, totalitarian and theocratic regimes have managed extensive incorporation of existing trust networks into authoritarian systems of rule. 6. Democracies accomplish partial integration of trust networks into public politics. Bottom-up strategies include: concealment: avoiding detection and manipulation by authorities dissimulation: feigning conformity by adopting some available public identity, but minimizing both compliance and visibility of internal operations and resources clientage: acquiring protection by intermediate authorities, thus reducing compliance and visibility, but usually at a price predation: organizing enough externally effective force both to acquire resources and to defend against predation by others enlistment: active integration into an existing regime’s available niches bargaining: establishing relations with major political actors on the basis of mutual contingent consent dissolution: destruction of an existing network through either incremental departures or collective dismantling As we will soon see, imputing deliberate, unitary strategies to whole trust networks radically simpliﬁes processes of segregation and integration.
Trust and Rule by Charles Tilly